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Monday, February 28, 2022

Time for Bosnia to ‘get rid of Russian influence’: Analysts - Al Jazeera English

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The Russian invasion of Ukraine may spill over into the Western Balkans, most critically, in Bosnia and Herzegovina, a small country that has become a battleground between NATO and Moscow, officials and analysts have warned.

Analysts told Al Jazeera the crisis in Ukraine presents “a unique opportunity for Bosnia to deal a decisive blow to [Russian President Vladimir] Putin-backed separatists” in the Balkan country.

On Thursday EUFOR, the EU’s peacekeeping force, announced the deployment of 500 additional reserve forces to Bosnia on top of the existing 600 troops amid fears the crisis in Ukraine could “potentially cause instability in Bosnia”.

A day later NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg said more support was needed for “countries like Georgia, Moldova and Bosnia and Herzegovina” to help them “pursue the path that they have freely chosen”.

“The Kremlin is trying to make NATO and the EU provide less support to our partners,” he said.

The EU’s foreign policy chief Josep Borrell echoed this concern on Monday, saying, “We’re worried that there could be more conflicts… that something might happen again in the Balkans.”

Bosnia, Kosovo and Serbia are the only countries in the Western Balkans that have not joined the NATO alliance.

Bosnia has made it a strategic goal to join NATO and the EU, but Bosnian Serbs, led by Serb member of the presidency and Putin ally Milorad Dodik, object to joining the US-led military alliance.

Bosniaks, Serbs and Croats make up the three main ethnicities in Bosnia. According to the latest census from 2013, Bosniaks account for 50.11 percent, Bosnian Serbs 30.78 percent of the population, and Croats 15.43 percent.

The Russian embassy in the Bosnian capital Sarajevo had warned last year that should Bosnia take steps towards joining NATO, “our country will have to react to this hostile act.”

The purpose of NATO is to “fight against Russia” and joining NATO will force Bosnia to take a side in the “military-political confrontation”, it said.

Dusanka Majkic, one of the Serb representatives in Bosnia’s House of Peoples and a member of Dodik’s nationalist SNSD party, reiterated on Friday Russia’s message.

“A reminder: Moscow said in March 2021 that it would react if Bosnia and Herzegovina takes steps towards joining NATO. Don’t say later that you didn’t know,” Majkic wrote on Twitter.

Many Bosnians slammed her post, calling it a threat.

Having already survived a war in the early 1990s, many Bosnians have been wary that their country may be the next target.

Amid the crisis in Ukraine, the Russian embassy in Bosnia said in a Facebook post on Monday evening that Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov has spoken with Dodik.

Similar sentiments of wariness were felt in Kosovo, which achieved independence from Serbia in 2008.

A NATO bombing campaign in 1999 against Yugoslav and Serbian forces brought an end to the ethnic cleansing of Albanians in Kosovo, and is the reason why Serbia rejects ever joining the alliance.

More than 100 countries including the US have recognised Kosovo, but Serbia and its allies Russia and China refuse to do so. Kosovo is still not a UN member, as Russia can use its veto in the Security Council.

On Sunday Kosovo’s defence minister asked the US for a permanent military base in the country and speedier NATO membership.

‘Bosnia, an open vulnerability’

Reuf Bajrovic, co-chair of the US-Europe Alliance organisation, told Al Jazeera that “Putin’s proxies in the Balkans will be watching very closely the aggression against Ukraine because of the implications.”

“Namely, quick Putin victory will embolden his proxies to try to use violence to reach their political goals. This is especially true in the case of Milorad Dodik and [leader of the Bosnian Croat nationalist party HDZ] Dragan Covic – Putin’s key allies in Bosnia.”

A crisis has already been unravelling in Bosnia since October when secessionist leader Dodik announced the Serb-led entity of Republika Srpska will be pulling out of key state institutions and forming its own separate institutions including a Serb army.

The move is a violation of the Dayton peace agreement, signed in December 1995 which formally ended the war with neighbouring countries Croatia and Serbia.

High Representative Christian Schmidt, who oversees the implementation of the peace accords described the moves as “tantamount to secession”.

For years, Dodik has been threatening to break up Bosnia, saying that Republika Srpska uniting territorially with Serbia would be the “final frame”.

Covic for his part, and other nationalist Croat leaders have for years been pushing for electoral reforms which analysts have said, would result in a de facto third Croat entity and “further entrench the country’s ethnoterritorial oligarchy”.

Kurt Bassuener, senior associate at the Democratization Policy Council, a Berlin-based think-tank, told Al Jazeera there’s “real potential for Russians to try to activate their partners, Dodik, [Serbian President Aleksandar] Vucic and let’s not forget Covic.

“[Russia] has been very much in favour of what [Covic] has been trying to pull, too, but Dodik is their most valuable player in the Balkans”.

‘The security gap is now’

In a Facebook post on Sunday, the Russian embassy in Bosnia accused Washington of “interfering with dialogue within Bosnia and Herzegovina, pitting constituent peoples against each other and opposing the abolition of the anachronistic foreign protectorate represented by the Office of the High Representative”.

Bosnian women carry placards as they attend a protest against Russia's attack on Ukraine in Sarajevo, Bosnia & HerzegovinaBosnian women carry placards as they attend a protest against Russia’s attack on Ukraine in Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina [Fehim Demir/EPA]

Russia has been at odds with the international community over the appointment of Schmidt as Bosnia’s new high representative and has been trying to shut down the UN-backed office entirely.

“[Russia] fears that a reinforced version of the institution will regain its role in safeguarding Bosnia’s sovereignty and supporting the constitutional reforms Bosnia requires for both EU and NATO accession,” senior policy fellow Majda Ruge wrote in an analysis for the European Council on Foreign Relations.

Bassuener told Al Jazeera that “Bosnia has been an open vulnerability for a very long time and the West has completely within its power to make it less vulnerable.”

While the new batch of EUFOR reinforcements is a positive step that many have already been calling for a long time, NATO forces need to follow as well, Bassuener said; 5,000 troops are needed to meet the mandate at brigade-strength.

The United Nations Security Council is scheduled to review Bosnia’s situation in November and vote on the annual extension of EUFOR.

“Under the current circumstances, we can pretty much be guaranteed a Russian veto in November of an extension of EUFOR. The security gap is now,” Bassuener said.

‘A historic opportunity’

As tension builds in the Western Balkans, some have spotted opportunities for change.

The Washington DC-based Advisory Council for Bosnia and Herzegovina noted on Twitter on Sunday that the crisis in Ukraine presents “a unique opportunity for Bosnia to deal a decisive blow to Putin-backed separatists in Bosnia.”

The council suggested “isolation and destruction of structures that are the extended arm of the Kremlin.

“Why wait for the Kremlin to use their structures in the Balkans as a lever against Europe?” Ajla Delkic, head of the Advisory Council told Al Jazeera.

“We must pre-emptively dismantle Putin’s ability to project power and fix the mistakes made in the 1990s that allowed bad actors to use force to carve up territory and commit genocide.”

Bassuener said there is now a potential for major changes to occur as a lot of long-held policies “are dropping”.

“The velocity of policy evolution in the democratic West in the past [few] days is really amazing … There’s no doubt going from where we were to where we are is quite a big step – with the sanctions, with Germany willing to send arms, with all of that.

“I do think that the potential to secure the Balkan front is very high … Now’s the time to develop a strategy,” he said.

Bajrovic agreed that Bosnia now “has a chance to get rid of Russia’s influence and make the final step to NATO membership.

“Local pro-NATO actors have to do all in their power to fulfil the criteria, but the West has to help pro-NATO forces in Bosnia to defeat the opposition to membership in Bosnia,” Bajrovic said.

“It’s a historic opportunity for both sides.”

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Sunday, February 27, 2022

Sounders vs. Nashville SC, live stream: Game time, TV schedule and lineups - Sounder At Heart

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Although they came into MLS with very little fanfare, Nashville SC has quietly put together one of the more impressive expansion builds in league history. In two seasons, they’ve made the playoffs both years and won a playoff game both years.

Nashville comes into their third year with new challenges, though. Thanks to Charlotte FC entering the league, Nashville was forced to move into the Western Conference. Prognosticators still think they’ll be among the conference’s top teams, but this will be a significant test.

Due to the impacts of Covid-19 on scheduling, Nashville hasn’t played on the West Coast since visiting the Portland Timbers in the second game of the 2020 season and they’ve never before faced the Sounders.

  • Nashville (2) and the Sounders (13) are the only two teams in MLS history to have never missed the playoffs.
  • The Sounders are 8-4-0 in regular-season openers at Lumen Field. That includes wins in each of their past three by a cumulative score of 10-2.
  • Nashville tied the MLS record for fewest losses (4) and most ties (18) in a season last year.

Seattle

QUESTIONABLE: Will Bruin (Right calf strain), Raúl Ruidíaz (Right hamstring strain)

OUT: Josh Atencio (Right quad strain), Jimmy Medranda (Left hamstring strain)

Nashville SC:

No injuries or other absences listed.

REF: Alex Chilowicz; AR1: Ian Anderson; AR2: Chris Wattam; 4TH: Malik Badawi; VAR: Geoff Gamble; AVAR: Rene Parra

Match date/kickoff time: Sunday, February 27, 5:08 PM PT

Venue: Lumen Field, Seattle

Online Streaming: Amazon Prime (affiliate link, in-market), ESPN+ (affiliate link, out of market), Fubo TV (affiliate link)

Local English TV: Fox13+ (Costigan, Keller, Zakuani)

Local Radio: iHeart Media (Costigan, Keller, Zakuani)

Local Spanish Radio: El Rey 1360 AM (Rodriguez, Maqueda, Tapia)

International TV:

Australia & New Zealand: beIN Sports Australia
Brazil: DAZN Brazil
China: China Sports Media
Germany, Austria, Switzerland, Italy, Spain: DAZN Europe
India: Eurosport
Latin America: ESPN Latin America
Southeast Asia: beIN Sports Asia

Highlights will be posted as the match progresses.

This is Seattle Sounders vs. Nashville SC; watch with us

Sounder at Heart has affiliate partnerships. These do not influence editorial content, though Sounder at Heart may earn commissions for products purchased via affiliate links.

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Get ready to ‘spring forward’: Daylight saving time begins soon - KXAN.com

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Get ready to ‘spring forward’: Daylight saving time begins soon  KXAN.com

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COVID by the Numbers: What Happened Last Time Illinois Removed Its Mask Mandate? - NBC Chicago

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COVID by the Numbers

COVID by the Numbers: What Happened Last Time Illinois Removed Its Mask Mandate?

NBC Universal, Inc.

On Monday, the state of Illinois will move forward with a plan to remove its indoor mask mandate, meaning that businesses will be able to decide whether or not to require customers to wear facial coverings.

The decision is a significant one, as it’s been nearly six months to the day since Illinois brought back its mask mandate in Aug. 2021 in response to the delta variant surge.

Previously, the state had lasted just over three months with a modified or eliminated mask mandate, having removed the requirement for facial coverings for vaccinated individuals in May 2021 and fully repealing all COVID mitigations in June 2021.

The question now on the minds of many Illinoisans is a simple one: what comes next? What can we expect from COVID metrics with facial coverings no longer required in indoor spaces?

To help shed some light on that question, here are some figures from the summer of 2021, when facial coverings were no longer required in Illinois.

Key Dates:

May 18, 2021 – Illinois changes rules, removing fully-vaccinated individuals from mask mandates

June 11, 2021 – Illinois moves to Phase 5, removing all COVID mitigations

Aug. 30, 2021 – Illinois brings back mask mandate as delta surge rages

Illinois is expected to end its indoor mask mandate early next week, should COVID-19 metrics continue to decline statewide. When will the mandate be lifted, where will you still need a mask and is the same timeline expected in Chicago?

COVID Case Trends:

When the state first tweaked its mask mandate to remove fully-vaccinated individuals, Illinois was averaging 1,537 new COVID cases per day. On June 11, when the state moved to Phase Five, Illinois was down to just 381 cases per day, representing a decrease of 75.2% in less than a month.

On June 23, the state hit its lowest-ever COVID case rate, with 222 Illinois residents a day testing positive for the virus.

From that day forward, increases began to slowly occur. On July 4, the state had seen its case numbers creep upward to 307, but then the pace of increase began to accelerate.

On July 11, the state saw its average rise to 511, representing an increase of 66% within one week. The next week, cases rose by 52.8% to 781. Cases then rose by 58% the next week to 1,234 per day.

By the time the mask mandate had returned, the state was at 3,871 COVID cases per day.

After falling through September and into October, cases began to surge again, with the omicron variant helping to push the average number of daily cases to a staggering 32,501 on Jan. 12.

Then, even more quickly than they had risen, cases began to fall, and on Friday the state reported that it is averaging 1,861 new cases per day, the first time the daily average has fallen below 2,000 since Aug. 2, 2021.

The city of Chicago has announced that it will end its requirements for masks and proof-of-COVID-vaccination in many indoor settings, but there will still be places where facial coverings will be required.

Hospitalizations:

On May 18, 2021, the state of Illinois had 1,518 patients in hospitals that had tested positive for COVID. That number had dropped to 684 on June 11, a decrease of nearly 55% within a month’s time.

Illinois saw its hospitalization numbers hit their lowest level on July 4, when 380 individuals were hospitalized.

That number began to slowly rise in July, increasing by nearly 90% to 721 by July 25, but then the pace began to quicken in August, and by the time the state reinstituted its mask mandate, there were 2,203 patients hospitalized.

Following a similar pattern to that of cases, hospitalizations began to decrease in September as the delta variant slowed, but more patients began seeking care in October and hospitalizations began to skyrocket, topping out at 7,380 on Jan. 12.

Six weeks later, the state is now at 1,143 patients hospitalized, a decrease of nearly 85% during that time. That hospitalization rate is the lowest the state has seen since Aug. 2, 2021, and is 25% lower than the hospital census when fully-vaccinated Illinoisans were removed from the mask mandate last May.

ICU Usage

On May 18, 2021, the state had 405 ICU patients that were COVID-positive. By the time Phase Five began on June 11, that number had fallen to 186.

The number continued to drop through the rest of June and into early July, and by July 7, just 76 ICU patients in the entire state were COVID-positive.

Like hospitalizations, ICU admissions began to slowly climb in mid-July, and by July 28, there were 179 patients in intensive care units.

Admissions began to increase more quickly after that, and by the time the mask mandate returned, there were 527 patients in ICU’s with COVID, representing an increase of 194% in just over a month’s time.

During the omicron surge, Illinois topped out at 1,177 patients in ICU beds due to COVID. Now, the state has seen an 82% decrease in ICU patient counts, with 211 such hospitalizations currently reported.

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Putin Puts Russia's Nuclear Forces on High Alert - TIME

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KYIV, Ukraine — In a dramatic escalation of East-West tensions over Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, President Vladimir Putin ordered Russian nuclear forces put on high alert Sunday in response to what he called “aggressive statements” by leading NATO powers.

The order means Putin wants Russia’s nuclear weapons prepared for increased readiness to launch and raises the threat that Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine and the West’s response to it could boil over into nuclear warfare.

Amid the worrying development, the office of Ukraine’s president said a delegation would meet with Russian officials as Moscow’s troops drew closer to Kyiv.

Putin, in giving the nuclear alert directive, cited not only the alleged statements by NATO members but the hard-hitting financial sanctions imposed by the West against Russia, including the Russian leader himself.

Speaking at a meeting with his top officials, Putin told his defense minister and the chief of the military’s General Staff to put the nuclear deterrent forces in a “special regime of combat duty.”

“Western countries aren’t only taking unfriendly actions against our country in the economic sphere, but top officials from leading NATO members made aggressive statements regarding our country,” Putin said in televised comments.

White House press secretary Jen Psaki said Putin was resorting to a pattern he used in the weeks before launching the invasion of Ukraine, “which is to manufacture threats that don’t exist in order to justify further aggression. The global community and American people should look at it through that prism. We’ve seen him do this time and time again.”

She told ABC’s “This Week” that Russia has not been under threat from NATO or Ukraine.

“This is all a pattern from President Putin and we’re going to stand up … ,we have the ability to defend ourselves but we also need to call out what we’re seeing here,” Psaki said.

Putin threatened in the days before Russia’s invasion to retaliate harshly against any nations that intervened directly in the conflict in Ukraine, and he specifically raised the specter of his country’s status as a nuclear power.

The U.S. ambassador to the United Nations responded to the news from Moscow while appearing on a Sunday news program.

“President Putin is continuing to escalate this war in a manner that is totally unacceptable,” Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield said. “And we have to continue to condemn his actions in the most strong, strongest possible way.”

The practical meaning of Putin’s order was not immediately clear. Russia and the United States typically have the land- and submarine-based segments of their strategic nuclear forces on alert and prepared for combat at all times, but nuclear-capable bombers and other aircraft are not.

If Putin is arming or otherwise raising the nuclear combat readiness of his bombers, or if he is ordering more ballistic missile submarines to sea, then the United States might feel compelled to respond in kind, according to Hans Kristensen, a nuclear analyst at the Federation of American Scientists. That would mark a worrisome escalation and a potential crisis, he said.

The alarming step came as street fighting broke out in Ukraine’s second-largest city and Russian troops squeezed strategic ports in the country’s south, advances that appeared to mark a new phase of Russia’s invasion following a wave of attacks on airfields and fuel facilities elsewhere in the country.

Around the same time as Putin’s nuclear move, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s office said on the Telegram messaging app that the two sides would meet at an unspecified location on the Belarusian border. The message did not give a precise time for the meeting.

The announcement came hours after Russia announced that its delegation had flown to Belarus to await talks. Ukrainian officials initially rejected the move, saying any talks should take place elsewhere than Belarus, where Russia placed a large contingent of troops. Belarus was one of the places from where Russian troops entered Ukraine.

Earlier Sunday, the Ukrainian capital, Kyiv, was eerily quiet after huge explosions lit up the morning sky and authorities reported blasts at one of the airports. Only an occasional car appeared on a deserted main boulevard as a strict 39-hour curfew kept people off the streets. Terrified residents instead hunkered down in homes, underground garages and subway stations in anticipation of a full-scale Russian assault.

“The past night was tough – more shelling, more bombing of residential areas and civilian infrastructure,” Zelenskyy said.

Until Sunday, Russia’s troops had remained on the outskirts of Kharkiv, a city of 1.4 million about 20 kilometers (12.4 miles) south of the border with Russia, while other forces rolled past to press the offensive deeper into Ukraine.

Videos posted on Ukrainian media and social networks showed Russian vehicles moving across Kharkiv and Russian troops roaming the city in small groups. One showed Ukrainian troops firing at the Russians and damaged Russian light utility vehicles abandoned nearby.

The images underscored the determined resistance Russian troops face while attempting to enter Ukraine’s bigger cities. Ukrainians have volunteered en masse to help defend the capital, Kyiv, and other cities, taking guns distributed by authorities and preparing firebombs to fight Russian forces.

Ukraine’s government also is releasing prisoners with military experience who want to fight for the country, a prosecutor’s office official, Andriy Sinyuk, told the Hromadske TV channel Sunday. He did not specify whether the move applied to prisoners convicted of all levels of crimes.

Putin hasn’t disclosed his ultimate plans, but Western officials believe he is determined to overthrow Ukraine’s government and replace it with a regime of his own, redrawing the map of Europe and reviving Moscow’s Cold War-era influence.

The pressure on strategic ports in the south of Ukraine appeared aimed at seizing control of the country’s coastline stretching from the border with Romania in the west to the border with Russia in the east. A Russian Defense Ministry spokesman, Maj. Gen. Igor Konashenkov, said Russian forces had blocked the cities of Kherson on the Black Sea and the port of Berdyansk on the Azov Sea.

He said the Russian forces also took control of an airbase near Kherson and the Azov Sea city of Henichesk. Ukrainian authorities also have reported fighting near Odesa, Mykolaiv and other areas.

Cutting Ukraine’s access to its sea ports would deal a major blow to the country’s economy. It also could allow Moscow to build a land corridor to Crimea, which Moscow annexed in 2014 and until now was connected to Russia by a 19-kilometer (12-mile) bridge, the longest bridge in Europe which opened in 2018.

Flames billowed from an oil depot near an airbase in Vasylkiv, a city 37 kilometers (23 miles) south of Kyiv where there has been intense fighting, according to the mayor. Russian forces blew up a gas pipeline in Kharkiv, prompting the government to warn people to cover their windows with damp cloth or gauze as protection from smoke, the president’s office said.

Ukrainian military deputy commander Lt.-Gen. Yevhen Moisiuk sounded a defiant note in a message aimed at Russian troops.

“Unload your weapons, raise your hands so that our servicemen and civilians can understand that you have heard us. This is your ticket home,” Moisiuk said in a Facebook video.

The number of casualties so far from Europe’s largest land conflict since World War II remains unclear amid the fog of combat.

Ukraine’s health minister reported Saturday that 198 people, including three children, had been killed and more than 1,000 others wounded. It was unclear whether those figures included both military and civilian casualties. Russia has not released any casualty information.

Ukraine’s U.N. ambassador, Sergiy Kyslytsya, tweeted Saturday that Ukraine appealed to the International Committee of the Red Cross “to facilitate repatriation of thousands of bodies of Russian soldiers.” An accompanying chart claimed 3,500 Russian troops have been killed.

Laetitia Courtois, ICRC’s permanent observer to the U.N., told The Associated Press that the situation in Ukraine was “a limitation for our teams on the ground” and “we therefore cannot confirm numbers or other details.”

The United Nations’ refugee agency said Sunday that about 368,000 Ukrainians have arrived in neighboring countries since the invasion started Thursday. The U.N. has estimated the conflict could produce as many as 4 million refugees, depending how long it continues.

Zelenskyy denounced Russia’s offensive as “state terrorism.” He said the attacks on Ukrainian cities should be investigated by an international war crimes tribunal and cost Russia its place as one of the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council.

As Russia pushes ahead with its offensive, the West is working to equip the outnumbered Ukrainian forces with weapons and ammunition while punishing Russia with far-reaching sanctions intended to further isolate Moscow.

The U.S. pledged an additional $350 million in military assistance to Ukraine, including anti-tank weapons, body armor and small arms. Germany said it would send missiles and anti-tank weapons to the besieged country and that it would close its airspace to Russian planes.

The U.S., European Union and United Kingdom agreed to block “selected” Russian banks from the SWIFT global financial messaging system, which moves money around more than 11,000 banks and other financial institutions worldwide, part of a new round of sanctions aiming to impose a severe cost on Moscow for the invasion. They also agreed to impose ”restrictive measures” on Russia’s central bank.

Responding to a request from Ukraine’s minister of digital transformation, tech billionaire Elon Musk said on Twitter that his satellite-based internet system Starlink was now active in Ukraine and that there were “more terminals en route.”

German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, meanwhile, said Sunday that his country was committing 100 billion euros ($112.7 billion) to a special fund for its armed forces, raising its defense spending above 2% of gross domestic product. Scholz told a special session of the Bundestag the investment was needed “to protect our freedom and our democracy.”

Putin sent troops into Ukraine after denying for weeks that he intended to do so, all the while building up a force of almost 200,000 troops along the countries’ borders. He claims the West has failed to take seriously Russia’s security concerns about NATO, the Western military alliance that Ukraine aspires to join. But he has also expressed scorn about Ukraine’s right to exist as an independent state.

Russia claims its assault on Ukraine is aimed only at military targets, but bridges, schools and residential neighborhoods have been hit.

Ukraine’s ambassador to the U.S., Oksana Markarova, said Ukraine was gathering evidence of shelling of residential areas, kindergartens and hospitals to submit to an international war crimes court in The Hague as possible crimes against humanity. The International Criminal Court’s prosecutor has said he is monitoring the conflictclosely.

British Foreign Secretary Liz Truss warned Sunday that Putin could use “the most unsavory means,” including banned chemical or biological weapons, to defeat Ukraine.

“I urge the Russians not to escalate this conflict, but we do need to be prepared for Russia to seek to use even worse weapons,” Truss told Sky News.

___

Isachenkov reported from Moscow, and Miller from Washington. Francesca Ebel, Josef Federman and Andrew Drake in Kyiv; Mstyslav Chernov and Nic Dumitrache in Mariupol, Ukraine; and other AP journalists from around the world contributed to this report.

__

Follow the AP’s coverage of the Ukraine crisis at https://apnews.com/hub/russia-ukraine

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Saturday, February 26, 2022

Daylight Saving Time 2022: When do clocks go forward again? - Marca English

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It's that time of the year again when Spring is just around the corner, which means the United States and over 60 other countries will soon move their clocks forward.

The change happens because of where the sunlight predominantly shines on the world as it travels around the globe across the year.

It's a tradition that has remained which means people have to change their clocks twice a year.

Time change USA 2022: When should I change the time in the United States?

The second weekend of March on Sunday March 13 will require everyone to change their clocks.

Do the clocks move forwards or backwards in the Spring?

You will have to move your clock forward by one hour, meaning you will lose an hour of sleep, although it does mean the daylight hours will last longer in the afternoon.

Which US states change their clocks?

Although there are different time zones across the USA, 48 of the 50 states change the time on their clocks.

Hawaii and Arizona are the only two states in the USA that do not observe daylight saving time.

Several overseas territories also ignore daylight savings time, including American Samoa, Guam, Northern Mariana Islands, Puerto Rico, and the Virgin Islands.

Why does the schedule change in the United States?

The main reason is to avoid pollution, as global warming experts suggest that the extra sunlight during the day will help save the planet.

When do the clocks change in Mexico?

Daylight saving time takes place on a different date for Mexico in 2022, with Mexicans required to move their clocks forward on Sunday April 3.

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Not Even a Supreme Court Nomination Can Knock War Off the Front Page - TIME

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Welcome to The Back Booth, a weekend edition of The D.C. Brief. Here each Saturday, TIME’s politics newsletter will host a conversation between political professionals on the right and the left, pulling back the curtain on the conversations taking place in Washington when the tape stops rolling. Subscribe to The D.C. Brief here.

When the history of this era is written, it will undoubtedly center on a series of tense and tough conversations that unfolded in the West Wing over the last few days. As Russia made good on its threat to invade neighboring Ukraine, President Joe Biden’s White House stressed to anyone willing to listen that such a move from Moscow would be met with immediate condemnation—but not U.S. forces on the battlefield.

As the week unfolded, I chatted by email with two of Capitol Hill’s most seasoned insiders. On the right, Brendan Buck has served as counselor to Speaker and VP nominee Paul Ryan and press secretary to John Boehner. He is now a consultant and teaches a course on crisis and chaos at Harvard’s Institute of Politics.

Across the aisle, Rodell Mollineau is one of the Democratic Party’s most versatile communicators. A former aide to presidential candidates, Senators and a Governor, Mollineau also led one of the party’s best-funded super PACs. He was Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid’s top spokesman. He is also now a strategist and advises a super PAC backing Biden’s Administration.

This conversation has been lightly edited.

Philip Elliott: So, as we start Tuesday, I’ll go right at the big doubt in my mind: Does Joe Biden have the situation in Ukraine in his control at all? From my seat, it seems to be spiraling out of control, but I’m happy to be proven wrong. Is there a way for him to reset the board this late into the process? We’ve all seen incredible turnarounds in Washington, but this seems like a big pivot.

Brendan Buck: For the time being, nothing else really matters or will break through. Crises like these have a way of completely consuming a presidency. As a political matter that can be helpful—people tend to back our Commander in Chief at times of crisis—or it could be a debacle like we saw with Afghanistan. It’s too early to say how this goes, but it’s going to dominate for a while. The only domestic issue that is going to have any traction over the coming weeks is his SCOTUS pick.

Mollineau: This is going to consume the media, the presidency and all of Europe for the foreseeable future. As for whether Biden has this in his control? He has managed to galvanize NATO—two weeks ago no one could imagine Germany would scrap Nord Stream 2—laid out in stark terms the repercussions of a Russian invasion, and has been clear and direct in his public communication. There is no military option on the table so his sphere of control is otherwise limited.

My lingering question about the SCOTUS pick is this: does the White House have an interest in bumping Russia off the front pages with a Supreme Court nominee? Or is there sufficient real estate for both stories?

Mollineau: I don’t know if SCOTUS bumps Ukraine off of the front page for more than a day or so, especially if Republicans decide they aren’t going to war over the pick.

Hmmm….

Mollineau: Upon further reflection, I can think of one event that could put Russia in the background: this supposed trucker convoy coming to DC. If it’s as effective as what happened in Canada…

I’m sorry, but I think either of your kids having a sneeze could roil D.C. streets. Our infrastructure here isn’t built for any disruption. I feel like three trucks and a tweet could send us into a tailspin—way too easy for a handful of folks to declare victory.

Buck: This all comes back to the fact we have choose-your-own-adventure politics in this country. If you’re worried Western democracy is at risk, Ukraine coverage is there for you. If you think COVID restrictions are evil tyranny, you can lock into pictures of snarled traffic in the suburbs of Washington. But for a White House that needs to change its fortunes, the news is generally going to be about a foreign conflict that most people here don’t seem particularly interested in. Even if it goes well, there’s not much upside. And if it goes poorly, it just adds to the narrative that the President isn’t bringing back the competency and normalcy he promised.

I’m also growing impatient on a Supreme Court nomination. There’s no way it creeps into State of the Union week, is there?

Buck: Tough call on SCOTUS. You could see wanting to roll out a nominee Friday to take attention away from Ukraine. But, man, that would sure seem like you’re not super-focused on the crisis over there at a critical moment.

Mollineau: It’s only Wednesday. There’s still a lot of this week left, so we will see, but it could be beneficial to wait until the Senate is back for amplification purposes. Not that I expect for Democrats to be off-message, but having them all in one place is helpful.

Buck: Are Democrats excited about this? I’ve never gotten the sense your nominees get people’s juices flowing like it does for Rs.

Mollineau: This pick and the process should be pro forma; replacing Breyer with a like-minded liberal. However, should Republicans decide to come for a Black female nominee, business picks up dramatically on our side.

Buck: Seems like you’d be up for that!

So a ground war in Europe is happening and D.C. can’t seem to settle on a response. The color of the jersey you’re wearing seems to dictate whether the Administration’s response is sufficient or not. It feels a long way from the days after 9/11.

Mollineau: Unsurprisingly, I think the partisan nature of some—not all—Republicans’ reaction to Ukraine is unfair and quite ridiculous. Biden sanctioning Russia prior to yesterday’s attack wasn’t going to deter Putin’s invasion.

What will you be watching next week? Obviously looking for a Supreme Court nominee—unless we get one tomorrow as CNN is reading the tea leaves this late Thursday—and a State of the Union. But what else is keeping you up at night?

Mollineau: I’m looking forward to the SOTU, although not expecting any moonshot aspirations that will change the trajectory of what Congress focuses on this year. Also, March 4’s job numbers should provide another opportunity for the Administration to demonstrate a rebounding economy.

Buck: This has been one of the least anticipated State of the Unions in decades, and I’m not sure Ukraine entirely changes that. But at least it gives him a chance to demonstrate the kind of competent leadership people had hoped to get from him. Of course, that will require him to hold together the Western alliance over the weekend and hope that Ukraine doesn’t fall. Otherwise, this should be the moment to turn the page entirely from the pandemic and declare the country back, but I just don’t get the sense Democrats in the White House have the nerve to say that.

Gentlemen, thanks for your time. It’s now Friday afternoon and Ukraine seems to be as volatile as ever. But, I will note: Brendan, the Supreme Court story seems to have landed in your old stomping ground, as the Supreme Court nominee is a relative by marriage to your former boss, Paul Ryan. I will leave your explanation of the Ryan connection to Judge ​​Ketanji Brown Jackson as our final word: “KBJ is Paul’s wife’s sister’s husband’s brother’s wife.” Bless you, D.C.

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Poland, Sweden Refuse to Play Russia in World Cup Playoffs - TIME

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WARSAW, Poland — Poland’s refusal to play its World Cup qualifier against Russia next month in response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine gained wider support when Sweden followed with its own plans to protest to FIFA on Saturday.

Polish soccer federation president Cezary Kulesza announced Poland’s decision and said it was in talks with other federations to present a unified position to FIFA, which is responsible for the March 24 game in Moscow.

“No more words, time to act!” Kulesza wrote on Twitter, adding the move was prompted by the “escalation of the aggression.”

Poland captain Robert Lewandowski and goalkeeper Wojciech Szczesny were among those supporting the decision, with the Bayern Munich striker saying “we can’t pretend that nothing is happening.”

Sweden, a potential opponent of Russia in next month’s playoffs, later joined Poland in declaring its national team would not play a match against the Russians regardless of where it takes place.

“The illegal and deeply unjust invasion of Ukraine currently makes all football fixtures with Russia impossible,” said Karl-Erik Nilsson, the Swedish federation’s chairman. “We therefore urge FIFA to decide that the playoff matches in March in which Russia participates will be canceled.”

The winner of the Poland-Russia match is due to host Sweden or the Czech Republic on March 29 for a place at the World Cup being played in Qatar from Nov. 21-Dec. 18.

“We have a hard time believing,” Nilsson added, “that FIFA will not follow our call. Russia can not join as long as this madness continues.”

Nilsson is also first vice president at UEFA which has stripped Russia of hosting the Champions League final in St. Petersburg in May. UEFA decided Friday to move that game to Paris.

Lewandowski, Poland’s all-time leading scorer and winner of FIFA’s best-player award for the past two years, supported Kulesza’s announcement.

“I can’t imagine playing a match with the Russian National Team in a situation when armed aggression in Ukraine continues,” Lewandowski said on Twitter. “Russian footballers and fans are not responsible for this, but we can’t pretend that nothing is happening.”

FIFA has yet to take a clear position on Russia hosting or even playing against Poland.

European soccer body UEFA said Friday that in its competitions all Russian and Ukrainian teams must now move their home games to play in other countries.

A potential precedent for action is from 1992. Both FIFA and UEFA removed Yugoslavia from their competitions following sanctions imposed by the United Nations at the outbreak of war there.

Previously, Poland had only said it did not want to play the qualifying playoff semifinal in Moscow.

Russian troops pressed toward Ukraine’s capital Saturday, after a night of explosions and street fighting that sent Kyiv residents seeking shelter underground.

It was not immediately clear how far Russian troops had advanced. Ukrainian officials reported some success in fending off assaults, but fighting persisted near the capital.

___

More AP soccer: https://apnews.com/hub/soccer and https://twitter.com/AP_Sports

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Friday, February 25, 2022

Opinion | We’ve Entered a New Phase of the Pandemic. It’s Time for New Metrics. - The New York Times

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New guidelines from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention for community masking are a welcome change. They are reasonable, well-timed and consistent with the science that needs to be guiding the United States’ pandemic response. They also mark a turning point for how people, institutions and governments should respond to the coronavirus.

The C.D.C. is shifting away from relying solely on cases of the coronavirus in the community and toward a broader view of risk that includes data on the levels of severe disease as well as hospital capacity. The agency’s new guidance uses a system that categorizes counties as low, medium or high risk for poor outcomes, and the C.D.C. recommends people in high-risk areas wear a mask in public indoor settings. To calculate these categories the C.D.C. is using multiple metrics beyond simply case counts; importantly, health care system capacity. Under the new system, more than 70 percent of the U.S. population is in an area with low or medium community risk right now.

This change may feel like a sharp break from prior guidance, and in some ways, it is. But at this point in the pandemic, the change is also entirely appropriate.

A virus and a population interact in a dizzyingly dynamic system, with mutations and layering immunity forming different profiles of population-wide risk at different times. Policy does and should recognize when these factors have changed enough to justify new approaches.

Omicron is very different from the coronavirus variant that arrived on our shores two years ago. And the population is different too: A large majority of Americans are now vaccinated or recently infected. Effective therapies are becoming more widely available and, precisely because the disease is so virulent, caregivers have battle-won experience in treating it even in the face of stretched hospital capacity.

For nearly two years, basing national Covid-19 guidance on new case counts made sense. Health experts knew that a reliable proportion of those cases would result in hospitalizations, and a proportion of those hospitalizations would lead to deaths. There was a tight link between cases and severe disease for most of the pandemic: as cases spiked, hospitals would reliably fill up and deaths would soon follow. This link among cases, hospitalizations and deaths was the bedrock of guidance to minimize infections through public health measures like mask wearing, crowd avoidance and widespread testing.

But the Omicron surge changed everything. The variant arrived when a larger proportion of the U.S. population had some immunity — either because of vaccination or recent infection. Because Omicron also has a high degree of immune evasiveness, many people getting infected have had Covid before or have been vaccinated and even boosted, which meant that they were far less likely to get severe disease. And finally, compared to its predecessor Delta, the Omicron variant appears to inherently be somewhat less severe, although for unvaccinated or unboosted individuals, it is still quite deadly. Ultimately, Omicron caused a very large surge in cases and left in its wake a very different reality to which the C.D.C. is now responding.

Today, because there is a high degree of population immunity, the ability of the virus to cause severe disease and death is far more variable. Someone vaccinated a month ago is not as vulnerable to severe disease as someone who recovered from an infection 18 months ago. If there are 1,000 infections in Massachusetts today, the number of those that will develop into severe illness depends on whether the individuals are vaccinated, boosted, previously infected or immunologically naïve (that is, neither previously infected nor vaccinated). The mix of those four categories varies dramatically across the nation. That’s why relying entirely on cases to dictate risk no longer makes sense, and shifting to measures of severe disease levels, like hospitalizations, is much more appropriate.

In some places, there are plenty of hospital beds and staff and therefore, hospitalizations don’t cause the same stress as they would in places with far less capacity. Think of a city like Boston with many large hospitals versus rural Ohio where there are far fewer resources per capita. In that context, a surge of hospitalizations in Boston has fewer dire consequences than one in rural Ohio. Hospital capacity matters enormously, not just to care for patients with Covid-19 but to secure all the essential services that hospitals provide under normal circumstances. One of the tragedies of Covid surges is that when hospitals get stretched, they can no longer provide high-quality care for patients with heart attacks, injuries from car accidents, appendicitis, cancer or the myriad other conditions that need to be treated. That’s why paying close attention to health care capacity is a welcome change in a nation with large variations in that capacity.

Increases in cases of Covid-19 are still an important early warning signal, even as the link between cases and hospitalizations and deaths has become far weaker and variable. Cases still precede severe disease. And of course, cases, especially in unvaccinated people, can still cause long-term complications. Therefore, keeping an eye on case numbers and using them as a part of the portfolio of metrics guiding policy remains important, as the C.D.C. is doing.

The C.D.C.’s role at moments like this is advisory. The agency provides guidance on the right thing to do, but it is up to elected officials and local health departments to use that guidance as they see fit. Many leaders, Republicans and Democrats, have already taken versions of the steps the C.D.C. recommended today. For the C.D.C. to remain credible and useful to the policymakers who rely on it, it must be willing to update its guidance when facts change and to take into account where Americans are in their ability to adhere to recommendations. Highlighting the importance of mask wearing in high-risk areas with limited hospital capacity, but not pushing for masking in areas with little severe disease strikes the right balance.

As Americans enter this new phase of the pandemic, mitigation efforts like masking, testing and avoiding gatherings will remain important tools to manage the spread of the disease, especially when there’s threat of another surge. Changing the way we use these tools — when to pull them out and when to put them away — is a critical part of managing a pandemic effectively. The C.D.C.’s new guidance does just that by focusing on the metrics that matter most at this point in the pandemic.

Dr. Ashish K. Jha is dean of the Brown University School of Public Health.

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips. And here’s our email: letters@nytimes.com.

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